THE FRUSTRATION AGGRESSION HYPOTHESIS
Social psychological explanations of human aggression: The frustration-aggression hypothesis
THE FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION HYPOTHESIS
The second theory of aggression shifts focus from innate predispositions to external stimuli as the roots of aggressive behaviour. At the heart of this theory is the notion that aggression is a predictable response to certain stimuli, specifically frustration. In their seminal work on this topic, Dollard and his colleagues assert with conviction that "the occurrence of aggressive behaviour always presupposes the existence of frustration" and, conversely, that "the existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression.
Dollard and his colleagues describe frustration as "an interference with the occurrence of an instigated goal-response at its proper time in the behavioural sequence." While terminology such as "instigated goal-response" may not be immediately familiar, it's straightforward to find relatable examples from everyday experiences of conflict that fit this definition. Consider a husband returning home to find dinner unready, an employee overlooked for a deserved promotion, or a child being left out of a playground game. These scenarios are common, yet they prompt the question: do the husband, the employee, and the child always react with a behaviour aimed at causing harm to the person they perceive as the source of their frustration? Is it inevitable that every husband, employee, and child in such situations will display aggressive behaviour? Furthermore, can it be said with certainty that frustration is the direct precursor to every aggressive action a spouse, worker, or child takes?
Modifying the Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis: Berkowitz's Perspective
Berkowitz revisits the fundamental questions Dollard and his team posed: "Is all aggression the result of frustration?" and "Does every frustration lead to some form of aggression?" He acknowledges the foundational truth of Dollard et al.'s hypothesis but insists on certain modifications. To elucidate these modifications, Berkowitz introduces two crucial intervening variables: anger and interpretation.
He suggests that while every instance of frustration enhances the inclination towards aggression, this inclination should be more accurately termed 'anger'. Furthermore, this anger morphs into aggression only in the presence of specific cues or triggers. This nuance permits the understanding that individuals, through learning, can deem the expression of anger through aggression as inappropriate. As a result, even in the face of significant frustration, these individuals might display a reduced propensity for aggression.
Moreover, Berkowitz highlights the role of personal interpretation in shaping responses to frustrating stimuli. He posits that individuals might learn to focus on different aspects of the frustrating situation rather than the frustration itself, altering how they react. This aspect of interpretation underscores the complexity of human behaviour, suggesting that the journey from frustration to aggression is not as straightforward as previously thought. Through these insights, Berkowitz adds layers to the frustration-aggression hypothesis, integrating the effects of anger, learned behaviour, and personal interpretation.
Learning from Frustration: A Personal Experience
Consider a personal anecdote that brings these theoretical concepts to life. One evening, upon returning home, I discovered the back door of my house was ajar. Immediate concern washed over me, compounded by the knowledge that my housemates were away. The thought of an intruder inside kept me from peace of mind, compelling me to inspect every corner of the house to ensure I was alone. While calling emergency services would have been prudent, I handled the situation myself. It was only after securing the house and going to bed that I realized my stereo and some other items had been stolen the next morning.
Given my financial constraints as a graduate assistant, replacing the stereo wasn't an option, leaving me without music for an extended period. Each time I felt the urge to listen to music, the memory of the theft resurfaced, stirring initial feelings of anger. However, these feelings soon gave way to gratitude. The delay in missing the stereo until the following morning and my prior focus on personal safety rather than material loss taught me a valuable lesson about my priorities.
Thus, while the theft was undoubtedly frustrating, it also served as an illuminating experience, teaching me about what truly mattered to me. Instead of dwelling on the frustration and loss, I chose to view the incident as a learning opportunity, highlighting the power of personal interpretation in shaping our response to challenging situations.
Extending Frustration-Aggression to Social and Political Contexts
Transitioning from the frustration-aggression hypothesis's application to individual aggression, exploring its relevance to group or societal levels of aggression and violence is insightful. Ted Robert Gurr's seminal work, Why Men Rebel (1970), asserts that the psychological underpinnings of frustration-aggression elucidate individual behaviour and have profound implications for understanding collective actions of aggression and violence.
Gurr posits that the root of the human capacity for violence lies within the frustration-aggression mechanism. While frustration doesn't invariably lead to violence—since some individuals are motivated by potential gains—the anger stemming from frustration is a potent force predisposing individuals towards aggressive actions, independent of the potential benefits of such behaviour. Should frustrations endure or be intensely experienced, aggression emerges as a probable, if not inevitable, outcome.
This mechanism parallels the law of gravity, illustrating that just as objects are influenced by gravitational forces based on their mass and proximity, humans inclined towards violence react to the magnitude of their frustration. This analogy extends further, considering additional factors affecting behaviour: for individuals, their beliefs, social norms, and personal inhibitions play a role akin to how external conditions like energy levels and the surrounding environment influence an object's movement in gravity.
Gurr's analysis underscores the indispensability of considering intrinsic human tendencies towards aggression when accounting for political violence. Ignoring the impact of frustration on the propensity for violence in socio-political analysis would be as incongruent as excluding the law of gravitation from the principles of aerodynamics. This perspective invites a broader contemplation of aggression, extending beyond individual psychology to encompass the dynamics of group behaviour and societal unrest.
Expanding the Frustration-Aggression Theory to Societal Aggression
In his seminal work Why Men Rebel (1970), Ted Robert Gurr firmly posits that the psychological principle of frustration-aggression applies not only to individual behaviour but also to group and societal levels of aggression and violence. He identifies the frustration-aggression mechanism as a fundamental human capacity for violence, suggesting that while frustration does not always result in violence, it predisposes individuals towards aggression motivated by the anger that frustration induces. Gurr parallels this mechanism to the law of gravity, arguing that just as objects are drawn to each other in proportion to their mass and distance, humans frustrated by unmet expectations are innately inclined towards aggression against the source of their frustration.
Gurr then articulates a theory of collective political violence, anchoring it in the frustration-aggression hypothesis. He introduces the concept of relative deprivation, which he defines as the perceived discrepancy between the expectations of goods and life conditions people believe they deserve (value expectations) and what they realistically obtain or maintain (value capabilities). According to Gurr, the potential for collective violence is significantly influenced by the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a community.
He emphasizes that the trigger for political violence is not absolute deprivation or objective measures of lack but the perception of relative deprivation. Even when basic needs are met, the perceived gap between deserved and actual conditions can fuel dissatisfaction and unrest. Gurr argues that people may acclimate to harsh conditions, but a stark disparity between their expectations and realities—regardless of whether basic needs are threatened—can incite rebellion. In summary, Gurr's analysis suggests that the underlying cause of collective violence and political unrest often lies in the frustration stemming from relative deprivation, thus applying the frustration-aggression theory to a broader societal context.
